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Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed · 8 of 11
Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed
Human Flourishing CRITICAL

Rules of Thumb for Avoiding Planning Disasters

heuristics planning incrementalism reversibility diversity

Problem This Solves

The twentieth century's grand planning failures stem from a dual misjudgment: planners overestimated their own intelligence and foresight while underestimating the competence and knowledge of ordinary people. They treated the future as predictable, ignored second- and third-order consequences of massive interventions, and reduced human subjects to standardized, interchangeable units stripped of gender, taste, history, and personality.

Scott argues that no amount of planning can legislate for a fundamentally uncertain future. External wild cards -- droughts, wars, revolts, epidemics, market shifts -- lay entirely outside planners' models. What is needed is not better prediction but a different orientation: designing for ignorance rather than omniscience, and building institutions that enhance human capacity rather than suppress it.

Key Principle

Scott advocates "disjointed incrementalism" -- an approach that presumes ignorance rather than expertise. Instead of comprehensive master plans, interventions should be small enough that mistakes are survivable, reversible enough that errors can be corrected, and flexible enough to accommodate the unforeseen. The goal is not to eliminate uncertainty but to build institutions that thrive on it.

The Rules

1. Take Small Steps

Prefer interventions at a scale where mistakes are survivable and correctable. Scott invokes J. B. S. Haldane's mineshaft parable: "You can drop a mouse down a thousand-yard mineshaft; and on arriving at the bottom, it gets a slight shock and walks away. A rat is killed, a man broken, a horse splashes." Begin from a premise of incomplete knowledge -- step, observe, then plan the next move. Large-scale, irreversible interventions gamble everything on the assumption that planners have correctly anticipated consequences they cannot possibly foresee.

2. Favor Reversibility

Prefer interventions that can be undone if they go wrong. Scott cites Aldo Leopold: "The first rule of intelligent tinkering is to keep all the parts." Agricultural land that can grow multiple crops, housing that accommodates changing family structures, factories that allow new processes -- all preserve optionality. Irreversible changes (paving over farmland, destroying seed varieties, demolishing neighborhoods) foreclose future adaptation.

3. Plan on Surprises

Choose designs that allow the largest accommodation to the unforeseen. Since "the only certainty about the future is that the future is uncertain," plans should build in slack, redundancy, and flexibility. The question is not whether surprises will come but whether the system can absorb them. Albert Hirschman called for "a little less straitjacketing of the future, a little more allowance for the unexpected."

4. Plan on Human Inventiveness

Assume that future participants will develop experience and insight to improve on original designs. Do not attempt to prescribe all behavior in advance. As a woman from Novosibirsk told a 1989 Soviet agricultural congress: "How do you think the rural people survived sixty years of collectivization in the first place? If they hadn't used their initiative and wits, they wouldn't have made it through!" Rigid plans that leave no room for improvisation waste the most valuable resource available -- human ingenuity.

5. Design for Diversity

Monocultures breed fragility in ecosystems and institutions alike. Every time we replace natural capital (wild fish stocks, old-growth forests) with cultivated natural capital (fish farms, plantations), we gain immediate productivity but lose "redundancy, resiliency, and stability." The same logic applies to cities, organizations, and economies. One-product cities like Magnitogorsk are vulnerable to technological obsolescence; mixed-use neighborhoods and polyvalent institutions absorb shocks that destroy single-purpose organizations.

6. Test the Work-to-Rule

The work-to-rule (greve du zele) is a litmus test: if following only the formal rules would paralyze a system, then the informal order -- metis -- is doing essential work the plan does not recognize. Every formal order is a subsystem parasitic on a larger informal system it cannot create or maintain. The monocropped forest depends on the ecological processes it simplified away; the planned city depends on the unplanned city growing in its shadow; the command economy depends on illegal improvisation to actually function.

7. Preserve Redundancy

Polyvalent, multifunctional institutions outlive rigid, single-purpose organizations. Small family farms have persisted in competitive economies while "many huge, highly leveraged, mechanized, and specialized corporate and state farms have failed." Emilia-Romagna's family textile firms thrive through networks of mutuality and adaptability. Redundancy looks wasteful to the efficiency-minded planner, but it is the structural basis of resilience.

8. Build in Feedback Loops

Evaluate any planned social form by "the degree to which it promises to enhance the skills, knowledge, and responsibility of those who are a part of it." Institutions should be shaped by participants' values and experience rather than imposed from above. Democracy, common law, and language itself are exemplary metis-friendly institutions -- structures of meaning and continuity that are "never still and ever open to the improvisations of all its speakers."

Key Quotes

"The progenitors of such plans regarded themselves as far smarter and farseeing than they really were and, at the same time, regarded their subjects as far more stupid and incompetent than they really were." (p. 343)

"All socially engineered systems of formal order are in fact subsystems of a larger system on which they are ultimately dependent, not to say parasitic." (p. 351)

"To any planned, built, or legislated form of social life, one may apply a comparable test: to what degree does it promise to enhance the skills, knowledge, and responsibility of those who are a part of it?" (p. 355)

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